Doors Wide Shut
15 March 2010 , Chitra Narayanan

Will the Foreign Universities Bill lure in the Ivy League? Or, will it attract more pests than honoured guests?


Around 6th Century BC, when Nalanda flourished as the world’s first residential university, it was a time of borderless education. Students from all over the globe came to study at a classroom called India. Circa 2010. Higher education has become borderless again. The difference—instead of the world coming to India to learn, about 160,000 Indian students travel to foreign shores every year. Several stay permanently.India’s education minister Kapil Sibal hopes to plug this brain drain by pushing through the long-delayed Foreign Education Institutions (FEI) Bill, which will allow universities around the globe to set up branch campuses in India. In one fell stroke, he hopes that the FEI Bill will succeed in addressing five important issues that are plaguing higher education here—access and equity, relevance, quality and excellence, governance and management, and funding. Concurrently, the Bill also aims to introduce rules and accountability in a hitherto unregulated environment, where foreign institutes have managed to sneak in despite India’s closed-door education policies.

According to estimates, at least 130 foreign providers have forged partnerships with unaccredited, private institutions. But, will the Bill really succeed, given that its drafting process has been plagued with dissension. It continues to flit from one ministerial desk to another in search of a consensus. Critics fear that it is an empty legislation that will lead to crass commercialisation of education. A few administrators, keen to allow international universities in, have faced stiff opposition from the Left, and from leading academics, who believe that the government would do good by increasing funds to higher education, than call in experts from the overseas. The result is a stalemate.

The Compulsions
That we need a policy on foreign universities is not disputed, rather the dissent is about the policy contents. So, let’s look at some of the motivations behind the drafting of the Bill.

Global trade in higher education is already large; it is estimated to account for $30 billion each year. Projections from the Observatory on Borderless Higher Education indicate that of the 165 million people seeking higher education in 2020, about 60 percent will come from India and China. Not surprisingly, the biggest educational exporters today—the US, the UK, Australia, Canada and New Zealand—are keenly eyeing the two nations.

While China opened its bamboo curtains to international universities in 2003, India, despite pressure from the WTO and the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), has resisted, so far. Yet, scores of foreign universities are already present in the country having entered through indirect routes and collaborations with private players.

According to Sudhanshu Bhushan, the senior fellow and head of the higher education unit of the National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration (NIEPA), there are nearly 150 institutions in India that have some kind of foreign collaboration. Many of them offer foreign degrees through twinning arrangements or dual-degree programmes. Twinning arrangements are a popular form of partnership because they involve the least risk and most income, as partners share tuition revenue for a part of the programme taught in the host county, but the foreign institution gets to keep the students’ fees, once they transfer. (See story: The Foreign Hand)

 

14 Edu Tech February 2010 cover story)
But, will the Bill really succeed, given
that its drafting process has been
plagued with dissension (see story, The
Bill's Tortuous Journey)? It continues to
flit from one ministerial desk to another
in search of a consensus. Critics fear that
it is an empty legislation that will lead to
crass commercialisation of education. A
few administrators, keen to allow international
universities in, have faced stiff
opposition from the Left, and from leading
academics, who believe that the gov-
Global trade in higher education is
already large; it is estimated to account
for $30 billion each year. Projections
from the Observatory on Borderless
Higher Education indicate that of the
165 million people seeking higher education
in 2020, about 60 percent will
come from India and China. Not surprisingly,
the biggest educational exporters
today—the US, the UK, Australia, Canada
and New Zealand—are keenly eyeing
the two nations.
cation unit of the National Institute of
Educational Planning and Administration
(NIEPA), there are nearly 150 institutions
in India that have some kind of
foreign collaboration. Many of them
offer foreign degrees through twinning
arrangements or dual-degree programmes.
Twinning arrangements are a
popular form of partnership because
they involve the least risk and most
income, as partners share tuition revenue
for a part of the programme taught
in the host county, but the foreign institution
gets to keep the students’ fees,
once they transfer. (See story: The
Foreign Hand)
However, most of these collaborations
have been dubbed illegal by the All India
Council for Technical Education (AICTE)
and have earned the wrath of bodies like
the University Grants Commission. But,
as educational consultant and former
IIT Delhi professor Shashi Gulhati
points out, the market (in this case students
as well as prospective employers)
does not seem to care about legality. Not
only are students willing to pay fat fees
to get into institutions, employers are
also happy disbursing premium salaries
to students.
Placement is not an issue. “The government
does not recognise many collaborative
programmes. Quite frankly,
how many of the students are interested
in joining the government?” asks
Gulhati.
There is also the issue of the current
capacity crisis. According to the National
Knowledge Commission, there is a
shortfall of at least 1,000 higher education
institutions in the country today.
Aware that the government doesn’t have
the funds to meet this shortfall, experts
believe that capacity addition, with a
little help from foreign investments,
should be allowed.
The third factor is that the entry of foreign
universities may help lift quality
and standards. Ask the students enrolled
at the Goenka World Institute or Modi
Apollo International Institute (MAII)
why they joined these institutions, and
the answer is that the curricula offered
by institutions with foreign collaboration
are more practical, market-oriented and
ernment would do good by increasing
funds to higher education, than call in
experts from the overseas. The result is a
stalemate.
The Compulsions
That we need a policy on foreign universities
is not disputed, rather the dissent
is about the policy contents. So, let’s look
at some of the motivations behind the
drafting of the Bill.
While China opened its bamboo curtains
to international universities in
2003, India, despite pressure from the
WTO and the General Agreement on
Trade in Services (GATS), has resisted,
so far. Yet, scores of foreign universities
are already present in the country having
entered through indirect routes and collaborations
with private players.
According to Sudhanshu Bhushan, the
senior fellow and head of the higher edu-
“Education
cannot be
confined by
artificial
barriers.
fettering it
(education) is
detrimental to
the nation”
Anand Sudars han
CEO & MD Manipal Education
“Ha ve you hea rd
of a foreign
university
transplanted
somew here else ?
...only run-of-the
mill universities
will come here, if
the Act is
allowe d”
Yas h Pal
Academic, Scientist




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